Homicide
Narrative
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Even with years of homicide cleanup experience, a suicide will sometimes appear to look like a homicide. That's why we have coroners' investigators. They observe the crime scene and take pictures. They write reports. They tell about the dimensions of homicide cleanup rooms. They tell families about their lost loved one. Their job has few rewards, except one big payoff. Some homicide investigators have their own crime scene cleanup companies. They too can share in the cleaning fees offered to crime scene cleanup companies for homicide cleanup. They soon learn that their actual county job takes second place to the "real money." We don't want their type in the crime scene cleanup business. |
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Crime scene cleanup in New York follows various types of homicides. Before long, New York's crime scene cleanup technicians know what to expect before arriving on the crime scene. In fact, they become subject matter experts in these matters. Technicians soon learn to theorize about homicide cleanup as well as the cause of homicides. It's inevitable. A person cannot work in this cleaning field long before arm-chair philosophy begins to set in. Because suicide cleanup sometimes becomes the crime scene cleaner's business, discussing relationships between suicide and homicide soon arises. How might the two relate? After all, some homicide scenes include suicides, murder suicides. Questions like, "If murders go up in New York, do suicides go up or down or nowhere different?". Some times rates for homicide and suicide occur in patterns. Lethal violence patterns of the American South is thought of as a juxtaposition. Here when homicides decline, suicides go up. Finding relationships, correlations, between these patterns in New York would prove difficult. It happens that in the American South these patterns stand out like nowhere else. We need to look at culture, homicide, and social structure to gain a better perspective of patterns for homicide and suicide. While doing so we think about poverty and inequality. If we think of both homicide and suicide coming from similar origins. One analogy uses a river's water rushing downstream. The water symbolizes violence. The size of our violence river and its depth might represent poverty and inequality. Both poverty and inequality come to reflect lethal violence in a society or group. Cultural influences give shape to our river of violence. Some influence, movies, music, books, give rise to homicides, even types of homicides. Other cultural influences give rise to suicides, even types of suicides. So we find culture splitting our river of violence in two directions. Frustration, stress, and negative life events give rise, in many cases, to homicide and/or suicide. If we were to count or somehow quantify the amount of frustration, stress, and negative events in any one part of our nation, we might expect to find it in another. Once located in another part of our country, we might expect to find similar numbers for homicide and suicide. For now this writing must do. For blood cleanup help, visit my blood cleanup help web site.
Among the newly initiated to this closed world, spur-of-the-moment suicide catches everyone by surprise, even a suicide victim. This escape route leaves tale-tell signs for suicide cleanup technicians. For the closed world of those who live with suicide thoughts, deja vu follows their days. It's not that they think about suicide much, it's "always there," somewhere in the back of their minds. Somewhere in a closed world darkened by childhood memories or other traumatic times. Where they seek pleasure no pleasure exists. Suicide remains as a constant temptation. It occupies a place of threat and concern. It also occupies a place of rejection and disappointment in a suicide victim's closed world. The Italian writer, Pavese, wrote, "Every luxury must be paid for, and everything is a luxury, starting with being in the world." The American Psychologist, Shneidman, found "several hundred suicide notes" in Los Angeles' coroner's department. Safely locked away in a vault for someone to find them, he poured over each note. In one sense, he hoped to create an archeology of suicide's mind set from suicide victim's notes. For some time social scientists thought suicide notes offered a close connection between a suicide note's words and a suicidal act. As we find elsewhere, Shneidman's efforts revealed nothing striking. About 12 to 30 percent of suicide victims leave suicide notes. Even then these notes sometimes find their own hiding places during a suicidal act. I've uncovered a few suicide notes, and none were posted carefully. One may have laid next to a shotgun suicide victim, but the blast blew it aloft. It slowly fluttered to the floor and under the bed. "I don't want to go back to the Navy," it read. There's little if any variation on trivial matters found on suicide notes. Considering the gravity of the act to follow, this is surprising information. Shneidman noted the Los Angeles suicide notes read more like postcards. Trivial things-to-do for survivors and other shallow comments marked these notes as useless for social science. We would hope to find the essence of ensuing suicides, but not so -- unfortunately. Russian suicidologists found the same superficial narratives on suicide notes. It seems as if suicide victims have little to say. We might believe that during one's last moments, deep, philosophical or theological insights might arise, not so. More on suicide will be found on my Suicide Fallacies page.
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@ Evans Enterprises • An Eddie Evans experience. |